Showing posts with label campaign. Show all posts
Showing posts with label campaign. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 7, 2020

Go Kamala!

Have a great debate tonight! Looking forward to seeing you call out the current administration's Fascism, racism, misogyny, homophobia, cruelty, ineptitude, callousness, corruption, hypocrisy, destruction, etc. etc. ad infinitum.


Please consider making a donation, and for the love of our literal freedom, democracy, and future as humans, vote for Biden-Harris.

Monday, March 2, 2020

Pete For Joe For President 2020

I got on the Pete train even before he officially announced his candidacy, so I was very sad to see Pete pull out of the race but I completely understand and agree with why he did it. So I am pleased to share with you that Pete has officially endorsed Joe Biden for the next President.



When we got into this race, our goal was not simply to win the presidency. It was to help unify Americans to defeat Donald Trump and usher in the era that must come next.

That is why I’m proud to stand with Joe Biden to help make him our next president of the United States.

And it’s why I’m urging everyone who came to our campaign in order to change our politics and defeat this president to support him too.

If you’re ready to defeat Donald Trump and usher in the era that must come next, please consider making a donation to Joe Biden’s campaign right now.

Our politics today is filled with noise and division, mistaking being loud for being right. And that kind of politics has failed us for too long; it’s just too small to meet this moment.

The only way we’ll beat Donald Trump and deliver a better future is with a politics that gathers people together -- a politics that reflects the decency of the American people.

It’s the kind of politics we tried to model in our campaign. And it’s the brand of politics Vice President Biden has practiced his whole life -- knowing how to build a broad agenda that can truly deliver for the American people, treating people with dignity and offering empathy.

And that’s what it’s going to take to not only win the White House, but also hold the House, win the Senate, and bring along all those down-ballot candidates to ensure we make real progress.

Leaders can bring out what’s worst in us or what’s best. And Joe Biden knows how to bring people in and bring the best of them out.

We see it in the way he carries the concerns of his neighbors in Scranton and Wilmington to Washington. The way he honors the men and women I served with by carrying in his pocket the names of those we’ve lost. The way he takes time out of his day to meet with young people who struggle to speak and families who struggle with loss.

Joe Biden is a good person. And simple as it may seem, it makes a world of difference to have a good person in the Oval Office. Please join me in making a donation today to make sure Joe Biden has the resources to win this nomination and defeat Donald Trump in November.

I’m proud to be voting for him, and I look forward to working as hard as I can to make Joe Biden the next president of the United States.

Thank you,

Pete

https://joebiden.com/

Mayor Pete Flew Sky High by Frank Bruni

I am a little heartsick about Pete dropping out, but this wonderful article by Frank Bruni at the NY Times sums it all up.


Mayor Pete Flew Sky High
The youngest of the Democratic candidates did the grown-up thing, and dropped out.
By Frank Bruni
Opinion Columnist

To Pete Buttigieg’s many other virtues, add these: He’s not delusional, and he can see beyond himself.



He looked at what happened in South Carolina on Saturday. He looked at what was likely to happen in the many states that will vote on Tuesday. And he recognized that he had no path to the Democratic presidential nomination and that staying in the race would probably help Bernie Sanders, the rival he had branded a dangerous nominee.

So on Sunday he got out. Just like that. No praying for a miracle. No waiting too long. No protracted melodrama or slow-building drum roll of hints. No, the youngest of the Democratic aspirants did the grown-up thing.

I can only imagine how bitter that felt, given how high he had flown. And I can only hope that he and the rest of us never minimize that altitude.

Some other Democrat will carry the party’s hopes in November. Some other Democrat — please, God — will replace Donald Trump in the White House and both dull the memory of him and clean up his mess.

But no other Democrat will be able to claim a more surprising, disarming showing in 2020 than Buttigieg can. After the first two contests, in Iowa and New Hampshire, he had more delegates than anyone. He finished in the top four in all of the first four states to vote.

That was despite the fact that his highest political office was mayor of South Bend, Ind., with only about 100,000 people. That was despite the fact that he’s 38 and would have been the youngest person ever elected to the presidency.

That was despite the fact that he’s married to another man. For many Democrats Buttigieg’s sexual orientation made him a trailblazer and was cause for excitement, but for others it made him a risk and was cause to turn away. The degree of success that he nonetheless enjoyed reflected his ability to rise above stereotypes, to soar above identity politics and to pull voters up with him.

Buttigieg was the first major openly gay presidential candidate, and he challenged and changed Americans’ preconceptions of what such a candidacy would look like, as I wrote in a column just before the Iowa caucuses. One of the wonders of his unprecedented campaign was how little his sexual orientation was talked about as his bid progressed. That spoke to the range of political talents he brought to the contest and the breadth of the issues he engaged. He was a novelty who resisted being just that, a symbol who wouldn’t be content with mere symbolism.

Rush Limbaugh, to whom Trump awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in January, was more deviation than norm when he gawked at the hypothetical scenario of Buttigieg, as the Democratic nominee, “kissing his husband onstage next to Mr. Man Donald Trump.” Mr. Man? In a Buttigieg-Trump face-off, only one face would glow oddly orange, and only one head of hair would appear to be the work of a dozen tipsy sprites.

Of course Buttigieg, ever dexterous, had the perfect retort when asked about Limbaugh’s ugliness during a CNN town hall. “The idea of the likes of Rush Limbaugh or Donald Trump lecturing anybody on family values, I mean, sorry, but one thing about my marriage is it’s never involved me having to send hush money to a porn star after cheating on my spouse,” he said. “They want to debate family values, let’s debate family values. I’m ready.” Was he ever.

While some of his critics on the left conducted an offensive discussion about whether he was gay enough, he performed an important balancing act, integrating his gayness into his candidacy without letting his candidacy be defined by it, seizing teachable moments without ever becoming tendentious or tedious, showing the world that being gay or lesbian or bisexual or transgender or queer is an essential part of who we L.G.B.T.Q. people are but not all of who we are.

On Sunday night in South Bend, where he delivered a poignant valediction to his campaign before hundreds of cheering supporters, he noted that it had “sent a message to every kid out there wondering if whatever marks them out as different means they are somehow destined to be less than.” They could look at him, he added, “and see that someone who once felt that exact same way can become a leading American presidential candidate with his husband at his side.”

He was talking about the experience of being in a minority and being marginalized — about the sorrow and the fear — and one of the great disappointments of his candidacy was his inability to build a bridge between himself and others who have had that experience. He was getting better and better at it, though. He was ever more attentive to that crucial task — in his last debate, for example, and in his speech on Sunday night.

I listened to it and realized that what most impresses me about him isn’t his intellect per se — the fancy degrees he has, all the languages he speaks — or his crazy poise or the manner in which he handled the unconventional aspects of his candidacy.

It’s his thoughtfulness. I first met him in 2016, when I traveled to South Bend and spent half a dozen hours over two days in his company, and I remember being struck above all by how deeply he had examined and how carefully he spoke about issues like freedom, globalization, automation. He was a walking tutorial, and a sweetly earnest one at that. I wondered then if he could upsize that trait for a presidential campaign. Over the past year, I — and the rest of America — got the answer.

Sure, he turned prickly and even somewhat overbearing at times during the most recent debates, taunting Sanders, talking over him and trying to break through beyond Iowa and New Hampshire as the clock ticked down. But still he wrestled eloquently with the meanings of things.

I think that’s why my inbox was so crowded on Sunday night and Monday morning with emails from admirers of Buttigieg’s and by their expressions of regret. One email came from my friend Bob Kerrey, the former governor and senator from Nebraska and a onetime Democratic presidential candidate himself. He shared with me the daily reflection on events in the news that he writes to his teenage son. Monday’s was about Buttigieg.

“This morning I regret not throwing my support to Pete instead of Joe,” Kerrey wrote, referring to Joe Biden. “We need a generational change and with him out of the race, that is not going to happen. We need an outsider who knows that Washington must change, but now that is also not going to happen. We need a president who can speak the language of other nations, but now that is not going to happen.”

“I do not think my support of Pete would have enabled him to win,” he added. But, he wrote, “It would have made me feel a little better about his loss this morning. Americans have missed an opportunity to turn the page to a much different future. We should feel remorse at losing that future.”

On Sunday night Buttigieg said: “Politics at its worst is ugly. But at its best, politics can lift us up. It is not just policymaking. It is moral. It is soul craft.” At his best, Buttigieg demonstrated that.

He has an opportunity over the coming months to demonstrate it further. “I will do everything in my power,” he said, “to make sure we have a new Democratic president come January.”

Mayor Pete, I’m holding you to that. We all are. Because your power is remarkable.


Yes, I agree...his power is remarkable. And when I got on the Pete train, I vowed that I would ride it as far as we could make it go. But if it could not reach the White House, I always said that Pete is young, and he has a whole political career ahead of him. Governor, Senator, Congressman, and yes, another run at the White House! Potential and possibilities, that is all he has ahead of him.

I thank you too, Pete...now run for something else, because you will make a difference, even more than you already have!

Link to original article:
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/01/opinion/Pete-Buttigieg-speech.html

Saturday, February 8, 2020

Pete Is Electable! Pete For President 2020

Vox published this wonderful survey of Pete's qualities and came up with a great conclusion: Pete is electable and is possibly poised to be the best candidate. I particularly want to point out the information in the section titled "Advisers are more important than experience." Just look at who is on board helping him, and then imagine what kind of an incredible, capable, dynamic cabinet he would put together!


Pete Buttigieg is more electable than Bernie Sanders — and more progressive than you think
The fourth in a Vox series making the best case for each of the top Democratic contenders.

By Dylan Matthews@dylanmattdylan@vox.com Feb 4, 2020, 9:34pm EST

The case for Pete Buttigieg is simple: The Democratic Party wins when it nominates young, charismatic leaders who are able to convince people outside the party’s base that Democratic values are their own.

It is a model that drove Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, and John F. Kennedy to the presidency. And it could be the model that puts Pete Buttigieg there.

As the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, he’s not the most experienced candidate running. And while he would probably be the most left-wing nominee since at least Walter Mondale, he is hardly the leftmost candidate in this primary, and he’s worked hard to differentiate himself from the maximalist platforms of Sens. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.


But Democratic primary voters are weighing competing priorities. They want a nominee who is progressive but still electable. They want a leader who is smart and even-tempered but who ideally isn’t of an age and health status that puts their ability to run a presidential campaign and serve a full term in doubt. They want a president who can represent underrepresented groups while speaking to Obama-Trump voters who feel threatened by that kind of social progressivism.

There is a strong case that Buttigieg is the candidate who best fulfills those competing demands. He would be able to pair a form of liberalism that’s more ambitious than Obama’s with a sophistication about political institutions and structures that Obama sometimes lacked.

The combination could prove incredibly powerful, and redefine the party for a generation. The results out of Iowa suggest that Democratic voters are beginning to see it too.

Pete Buttigieg is a liberal who makes people think he’s a moderate
Amid the “Mayo Pete” and “Pete is CIA” jeers of his left-wing critics, it can be easy to forget what Buttigieg’s actual policy agenda is. That agenda would easily be the most progressive by any candidate for the general election in decades. Here is a brief rundown of economic and social policies he’s endorsed and promoted:

*A $15-an-hour minimum wage
*Quadrupling the earned income tax credit for single adults
*“Affordable, universal full-day child care and pre-K for all children from infancy to age 5”
*A path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants
*A Medicare buy-in open to all meant to “create a natural glide-path to Medicare for All”
*A cap on all student loan payments as a share of income, forgiven in full after 20 years

But that’s not all. Buttigieg has devoted attention to big structural problems that afflict our democracy, and has proposed solutions that are genuinely radical.

*DC/Puerto Rico statehood, banning gerrymandering, ending the Electoral College, and ending the filibuster
*Expanding and reforming the Supreme Court to curb partisan rulings
*Sectoral union bargaining where agreements apply to whole industries, not just individual companies
*A carbon tax rebated to taxpayers in cash, plus a quadrupling of research and development funding for clean energy

Taken as a whole, his agenda isn’t as ambitious as that of Sanders or Warren. But make no mistake: This is a bold wish list, full of items that either the Obama administration struggled to pass even with 59 senators (like immigration reform and a price on carbon emissions) or that would’ve been too radical for Obama to begin with (like a $15 minimum wage, universal child care, a Medicare buy-in not limited to the elderly, and sectoral bargaining — the last of which has barely received any coverage, but which would at a stroke vastly increase the power of the American labor movement).

The fact that his agenda isn’t as progressive as those on the left flank of the party is a plus for Buttigieg, not a minus. Sanders and Warren have performed a valuable service by making the objectively quite ambitious agenda of Buttigieg appear, by comparison, incredibly mild, a centrist approach to expanding the safety net.

A perception of relative moderation will most likely help, not hurt, the eventual nominee. The most rigorous studies on this question from political scientists tend to find that moderate nominees have a distinct advantage over ones perceived as more extreme, largely because they don’t activate their opponent’s base the same way a more extreme nominee would.

Put another way: Sanders would terrify and turn out Trump’s base, whereas Buttigieg likely would not.

We can get more specific here, too. Buttigieg’s most prominent point of differentiation from his leftier rivals is on Medicare-for-all, which he shares as an ultimate goal but rejects as a step too far in limiting choice for the time being. Instead, Buttigieg is pushing “Medicare for all who want it,” which is exactly what the name implies: a buy-in option for Medicare that he sees as setting us on the path to Medicare-for-all.

Buttigieg’s position may inflame die-hard left partisans, but it might be a better general election play. The best evidence we have from the 2018 midterms, as compiled by Emory political scientist Alan Abramowitz, suggests that supporting Medicare-for-all cost Democrats about 4.6 percentage points in swing districts; the average Democratic margin was higher in districts where the Democratic candidate didn’t back Medicare-for-all, despite those districts being more Republican-leaning overall than districts where pro-Medicare-for-all candidates ran.

More to the point, although Democrats control the House, there is not a House majority for Medicare-for-all at the moment, and there certainly isn’t a Senate majority or even a majority of the Senate Democratic caucus that supports it. If the next Democratic president proposes a full Medicare-for-all bill to a Senate where the pivotal members are moderates and avowed Medicare-for-all opponents Kyrsten Sinema (AZ) and Joe Manchin (WV), the idea will be dead on arrival. After negotiations, Warren and Sanders will inevitably arrive at a compromise that will likely involve some kind of buy-in proposal.

So the question is: Is it worth paying a potentially significant electoral price for backing Medicare-for-all considering the very low likelihood that any Democratic president could enact it anyway? If the answer is no, then the case for Buttigieg looks strong.

Buttigieg has a far more realistic view of today’s politics than Joe Biden
Much of the above can count as a case for Joe Biden, who, like, Buttigieg has positioned himself as a moderate alternative to Sanders and Warren. As my colleague Ezra Klein has noted, despite being labeled moderates, “if Biden or Buttigieg actually win the nomination, they will be running on the most progressive platform of any Democratic nominee in history.”

But it would be a mistake to throw Biden and Buttigieg into the same bucket. Whereas Biden remains wedded to romantic notions of returning to a pre-polarization Washington where Republicans and Democrats hobnob and work frequently across party lines, Buttigieg has a clear-eyed view of the institutional barriers to progressive policy and how to remove them.

Biden has repeatedly told supporters that he expects the Republican Party to come to their senses upon his election. “With Donald Trump out of the way, you’re going to see a number of my Republican colleagues have an epiphany,” he told fundraiser attendees in November, “Mark my words. Mark my words.” While his comments about working with segregationist senators like James Eastland in the 1970s drew ire for the racial implications of those collaborations, at their heart was this conviction on Biden’s part that he could work with anyone, that the raw power of his commitment to collaboration could overcome the deep forces polarizing American politics.

It’s just one piece of evidence among many that Biden is out of step with where the party is.

And it’s not just Biden. Even Bernie Sanders has brushed off the idea of abolishing the filibuster in favor of a bizarre gambit to exploit the budget reconciliation rules to pass Medicare-for-all. At best, this would only enable one piece of controversial legislation to pass, leaving the rest of the policy agenda abandoned; at worst, it will appall old-school Senate Democrats even more than filibuster abolition.

Buttigieg, by contrast, has a much stronger connection to the more brass-knuckled realities of 2020s politics.


Instead of relying of Republican goodwill, he has concrete plans to amplify Democrats’ relative power: by repealing the filibuster to enable the passage of popular social programs that Republicans will then be reluctant to repeal; using a slim Democratic majority in Congress to add DC and (if they so desire) Puerto Rico as states; reducing the Republican geographic edge in the Senate for years to come; and passing sectoral bargaining to build up labor unions as a countervailing power to American business.

He also sparked the first serious conversation of the campaign about revamping the Supreme Court to prevent partisan rulings striking down progressive legislation. He has floated the idea of expanding the Court to 15 justices, five from each party and another five selected by the partisan justices, in hopes of breaking the narrow conservative majority that threatens everything from Medicare-for-all to universal free college.

In an era crying out for structural political reform, Buttigieg’s approach on this front is vital. He understands that Democrats need to fight with all the tools at their disposal to get even a modest legislative package accomplished. And he’s laid out plans to use those tools.

What’s remarkable is that he’s been able to take that approach without coming across as shrill or unduly combative. He presents as a moderate, as a “hope and change” candidate like Obama who is able to use rhetoric and charisma to overcome the resistance of skeptical moderates and center-right voters.

The model of a charismatic rhetorician packaging progressive ideas in a moderate message is one that has worked incredibly well for Democrats historically. Like Obama, Buttigieg would make history: He would be the first gay president, Chasten Buttigieg would be the first first husband, and the two of them would become America’s first couple barely six years after they were legally allowed to marry in their home state.

And Buttigieg is unique in pairing the Clinton/Obama approach of hopeful promises of a changed politics with a more hardheaded approach to institutions and the rules of the game than Clinton or Obama ever had.

Advisers are more important than experience
The most serious case against Buttigieg is that he lacks the necessary experience to hold the office of president. His sole tenure in government has been as mayor of a tiny city — smaller than Waterbury, Connecticut, or Peoria, Illinois.

But it is not obvious why Buttigieg should be considered less experienced at being an executive than many of his major rivals. It has been three decades since Bernie Sanders served as a mayor, and in that case as mayor of a smaller city than South Bend. The same goes for Elizabeth Warren. They might know how “Washington” works, but that’s hardly the same as knowing how to run the executive branch.

The candidates’ résumés, with the notable exception of Joe Biden’s, tell us little about their ability to manage complex bureaucracies. But Buttigieg has performed well at other tests of executive judgment and temperament. As the saying goes, “personnel is policy,” and Buttigieg has assembled some of the most impressive personnel of any candidate.

Danny Yagan, the Berkeley economist and one of Buttigieg’s top economic advisors, is widely considered one of the world’s top young public finance economists, and has already reshaped how the profession thinks about taxing wealth.

Austan Goolsbee, formerly the Obama administration’s top economist, is advising Buttigieg as well, despite having served with Joe Biden. And he’s not alone: Various foreign policy luminaries, including Clinton’s national security adviser Tony Lake, Iran expert Vali Nasr, and top Obama adviser Philip Gordon, have endorsed Buttigieg. What Buttigieg lacks in experience, he more than makes up for in the accumulated expertise of his supporters.

What’s more, one of the best tests of presidential capability is how well candidates manage their own campaigns. Presidential campaigns are vast, sprawling operations with hundreds of employees, dueling advisers, tough strategic decisions, and huge demands on their leader’s time and resources. The experience of running is of course different from the experience of being president, but it’s a test of executive mettle nonetheless.


The fact that Buttigieg has run his campaign exceptionally well, lapping candidates who on paper should have far outpaced him, like Sens. Michael Bennet (D-CO), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Kamala Harris (D-CA), and Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Govs. Steve Bullock (D-MT) and Jay Inslee (D-WA), says only good things about his managerial acumen. There was no reason to think the mayor of South Bend, Indiana, could wind up as one of the top contenders for the Democratic nomination, and Buttigieg deserves substantial credit for the operational decisions that helped bring him to that point.

There are arguments for Buttigieg that I frankly won’t echo here because they don’t hold water. Winning the incredibly Democratic-leaning city of South Bend doesn’t say anything about his ability to win Indiana, much less the rest of the Rust Belt. He is not a “Washington outsider” in any meaningful sense: Indeed, his deep ties within pan-geographic elite networks have produced his impressive corps of advisers.

But while it’s easy to knock down bad arguments for Buttigieg, it’s harder to rebut the real arguments for his nomination: that a liberal perceived as a moderate, with a hardheaded view of American institutions but a hopeful, charismatic approach to campaigning, is exactly what the Democratic Party needs right now.


Link to the original article on Vox.com:
https://www.vox.com/2020/2/4/21121636/pete-buttigieg-beat-trump-win-2020-election-primaries

Sunday, November 17, 2019

What Happens Next: Pete For President 2020



"We know that the purpose of the presidency is not the glorification of the president. It is the unification of the American people. That is why we have the office."
--Pete Buttigieg

Tuesday, November 5, 2019

Pete For President 2020!

Fun fishbowl questions and an amusing round of "this-or-that" with our next President of the United States, Pete Buttigieg.



https://peteforamerica.com/

Sunday, September 15, 2019

Pete For President 2020!

If you watched the Democratic debate this last week, I hope you will agree that whenever Pete Buttigieg speaks, it is as though someone turned the lights on in a dim room: suddenly things are clear and visible and make sense. And if you are an "Oh, By The Way" reader in the States, I urge you to look at Mayor Pete and to support his campaign. He has chosen not to accept any donations or support from federal lobbyists, corporate PACs, or the fossil fuel industry. He is depending on a ground swell of support from people who support progress, saving our societies, and saving our world from Climate Catastrophe.


Get your sticker and support Pete's campaign by visiting his website below.

https://peteforamerica.com/

Saturday, September 7, 2019

Pete For President 2020



Pete Buttigieg doesn't take any money from federal lobbyists, corporate PACs, or the fossil fuel industry. Please consider visiting his site and donating to his campaign. He is one of our only hopes not just for this election but for issues beyond politics and for a future we cannot yet conceive. As Pete says, "It’s about more than winning an election. It’s about winning an era."

https://peteforamerica.com/

Friday, September 23, 2016

IMPORTANT! Save The Day

Funny. But true.

Save the day: as in "mark that day on your calendar because you will have something important to do," but also as in "rescue something before it is destroyed."

Help to rescue us all from a megalomaniacal, lying, thieving, swindling, bigoted, ruthless, brutal, oppressive, petulant, sociopathic, greedy, callous, con man. Please vote.


http://savetheday.vote/